Selma, released 50 years after the Civil Rights demonstration in
the small city that gave it its name, is a timely portrait of a man who changed
the way white America viewed the black population and set the groundwork for
the post-Civil Rights struggle that African Americans are engaged in to this
day. Whilst for many the watershed moment of the Civil Rights movement was two
years earlier in Washington D.C where Dr. Martin Luther King gave his famous “I have a dream” speech, Selma instead focuses on the campaign
following his acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964. By doing this, it
tackles MLK as a man already at the height of his power and notoriety. We see
him as a powerhouse capable of exerting influence both on the streets and in
the oval office. By establishing him in this context, the film frames its narrative
around the movement itself rather than turning into a biopic, and this is where
it finds its strength.
MLK was a great man, but also a flawed
one. The film directly addresses his extramarital affairs and the way that they
were used by the FBI to threaten and extort him in an attempt to get him to
call off the march at Selma, but more than that it touches on the struggles he
personally had in advocating his nonviolent approach to protest. In one
particularly powerful scene we see MLK and his fellow protestors standing back
as an elderly woman is beaten and pinned down by police outside of the
courthouse in Selma. Nonviolence was essential in assuring that the protestors
could not be portrayed as anarchists in the media, and it was certainly an
extremely effective tool in gaining support for the movement, particularly from
sympathetic whites, but it required extreme self control to maintain, and to
many the lack of an attempt to aid the victimised was seen as callous. MLK
never doubted the power of nonviolence and saw that it was perhaps the only way
to advance the Civil Rights Movement, but in Selma we see the inherent risks in exposing civilians to aggression
and refusing to respond.
MLK was willing to die for his
cause, and in the end he did, but despite this (and because of the FBI’s
revelation of his affairs to his wife) he was not present at the Selma to
Montgomery march on March 7, 1965 when journalists’ captured the violent
assault of over 600 protestors by state troopers and county sheriff’s deputies.
This was the breaking point for the Selma movement, and MLK’s absence is
notable in large part due to the fact that it paved the way for young SNCC
member John Lewis to rise to the forefront of the Civil Rights movement.
Leading the marchers alongside fellow activist Hosea Williams, Lewis was beaten
to the ground and fractured his skull. Despite this, he escaped and continued
to aid other activists before being taken to hospital. Lewis was the youngest
of the ‘big six’ Civil Rights leaders, and came to represent the grassroots
activism on the frontlines when MLK, Malcolm X and the others were seen as
being mere talking heads. He would go on to have a successful career in
congress, but this was where he established himself as a more-than-competent
successor to the older movement leaders as they were assassinated and otherwise
made less relevant. Selma does well
in portraying this side of the story and highlighting the tension within the
Civil Rights movement itself at this time. MLK was a figurehead but without
grassroots activism and the likes of Lewis and SNCC organising individuals long
before he arrived, the events in Selma never could have come to fruition.
The film ends with MLK’s
victorious speech at Montgomery after the successful third march from Selma. We
know that three years later, and several less successful movements attempting
to tackle poverty, the Vietnam War and segregated housing in Chicago, he was
assassinated. The question that remains as the credits roll is to what extent
did MLK make change, and how far can his legacy go to continue to change black
and minority lives in the US? 50 years later we watch the events at Selma
unfold in fictionalized form in the aftermath of one of the largest racially
defined protest movements in recent times; the Black Lives Matter response to the killing of unarmed Michael Brown
in Ferguson by police, and the similar death of Eric Garner after being choked
by officers in the NYPD. In many ways these deaths echo the violence suffered
by black individuals during the Civil Rights movement at the hands of the
police, but these incidents are fewer and further between, and public response
clearly no longer needs to be won through extended protest by the black community
– responses to the Ferguson events were quickly formulated and extensive.
We have certainly come a long way
from the days of the Civil Rights movement, and Selma does a good job of exposing the overt racism of the time that
infected every element of public life and made life so much harder for African
Americans, particularly in the south. However, in the aftermath of Ferguson and
at a time when more black men are under correctional control today than were
enslaved in 1850, we have to ask if we really are living in MLK’s colour blind
society, or if such racism has just become covert. Selma focuses on King’s push for voting rights but, thanks to mass
incarceration and felony disenfranchisement laws, there are more
disenfranchised African Americans today than in 1870. Despite falling crime
rates, the US prison population has quintupled in the last 30 years, and blacks
are incredibly overrepresented behind bars, due to the fact that black men are
35 times more likely to be arrested than white men. Police racism may not be as
widespread or as overt as it was fifty years ago, but it still exists. It does
not exist in every officer, but it still exists. It may not affect all of us,
but it still exists.
Michelle Alexander, in her book The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness, suggests that mass incarceration represents a
new form of segregation and disenfranchisement of African Americans and other
minority populations. She argues that in order to carry the torch that Martin
Luther King held before his assassination and ensure that his legacy is not
wasted we should return to the streets and challenge this new form of
oppression through nonviolent protest. His work is not yet done, and Selma hopefully
comes at a time where black issues are salient enough in the public mind to
remind us that things can be done to make a change if it is so needed. As a
call to take notice of these issues, Selma has done its job. The rest is
up to us.
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