Tuesday, 5 June 2018

Sergei Skripal: Facts, Counter-Facts, and a New Type of War


The immediate aftermath of the Skripal poisoning produced some unlikely, Bondesque assassination theories. Many came from the British tabloids; the poisoned beer, the Russian in the rafters of the Zizzi restaurant where Sergei and Yulia had lunch that day or the poison wafted through the air vents of Skripal’s car, and yet even more came from the Russian media, who blamed everyone from terrorists to Theresa May and the CIA. The panellists of the recent Guardian Live event The Skripal Case: A New Cold War? were under no illusion that this attack could have been orchestrated in any way other than through the Kremlin and viewed the Russian response as little more than direct obfuscation and an attempt to muddy the waters as the investigation developed. But then, can we ever really be sure?


Many of the facts that emerged in the aftermath of the poisoning seemed to raise more questions than they answered. Why Sergei Skripal, a retired GRU agent who was surely a nuisance to the Kremlin but had been out of the loop for many years and whose days of selling state secrets were far behind him? And, if they wanted him dead, why use Novichok, an untested nerve agent that caused considerable collateral damage but ultimately failed to kill the target? Surely, the trained killers of Russian military intelligence would not have bungled an assassination attempt so catastrophically? Does that mean Skripal was in fact not the target at all? Why now, at a time of heightened tension between Russia and the West, and during a particularly tempestuous time in British politics (and just two weeks before Russia’s Presidential elections)?

As panellist Steven Morris pointed out, in many cases the point of chemical warfare is to destabilise the target population, as people do not necessarily know what is happening at first, whether there is a continued risk of exposure, or what the effects may be. This can lead to disorientation, false flags for further danger, and sometimes panic. The Skripal attack certainly destabilised not just Salisbury but the British establishment. The calls to hold Moscow to account for the attack were met with rebuttals in Parliament from Jeremy Corbyn, who argued that more evidence was needed before the finger was pointed eastwards. The foreign secretary Boris Johnson fumbled his way through a press conference in which he asserted that the British defence science laboratory at Porton Down (coincidentally located only five miles from Salisbury) had told him “unequivocally” that the Novichok agent had come from Russia, a claim that Porton Down later denied. Theresa May, who was commended for her level-headed handling of the crisis, nevertheless was forced to share high-level intelligence with her French and German counterparts in Brussels to provide evidence of Russia’s involvement at a time where relations between these allies are particularly strained (leaving panellist Anne Applebaum to pose the interesting question of how events may have unfolded had Britain already left the EU and May had been unable to meet with Merkel and Macron in Brussels so soon after the event).

The European and American response to the poisoning did in the end represent a relatively united front against the Russian attack, and yet Moscow continued to deny, deflect, and counter-accuse. It does not appear that they have been successful in convincing anybody in the West that they are innocent of this crime, and yet, as audience member and former GCHQ Director Sir David Omand pointed out, perhaps again the point is not to convince, but to pollute the media and the discourse. This “implausible deniability” has been cultivated by the Putin administration for some time now and is paying dividends in terms of how the president is viewed both at home and abroad.

Much attention has been paid to Putin’s close advisor Vladislav Surkov, who is rumoured to have written a short story under the pseudonym of Natan Dubovitsky, Without Sky, that details “the world’s first non-linear war”, where truth and fiction are blended to confuse and disorient the public, and where the goal of war is not victory but to reach a point where it is hard to know if there is even a war at all. The story, which appeared just one month before Russia’s annexation of the Crimea and subsequent backing down from the brink of full-scale conflict in eastern Ukraine, has been credited as a road-map for Putin’s new “hybrid warfare”, which merges traditionally militaristic posturing with new technologies and covert operations to create disorientation and alarm in the West. The fact that nobody really knows if Surkov is the author of the story or not encapsulates exactly what this new information war is trying to achieve. Historically, propaganda aimed to create a narrative. Today, Putin’s propaganda machine wants to obscure that narrative and leave his audience in a state of unease and instability.

A similar campaign of disinformation to that viewed after the Skripal poisoning emerged following the shooting down of Malaysian Airlines flight MH17 by Russian-backed rebels in Eastern Ukraine in 2014, with the Kremlin denouncing investigations identifying a Russian-made missile as a cause of the crash, suggesting that the satellite imagery showed the missile did not come from a rebel-held area, then blaming a Ukrainian fighter pilot for shooting down the passenger flight and even hinting at tacit EU/US involvement. Meanwhile, the rebels themselves first claimed responsibility for the attack through Twitter, then denied it.

The rabbit hole goes deeper as Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 US election uncovers growing evidence to suggest that collusion between Trump staff and Russian officials was ongoing throughout the election cycle. Trump himself has denounced the investigation as ‘fake news’, but fake news, it seems, is what Putin excels at. Several of the Guardian Live panellists discussed their personal interactions with social media “trolls” who spread misinformation about them that quickly dissipated from social media to news outlets and influential figures such as Julian Assange, who posted inaccurate information about journalist Anne Applebaum that had originated from a “troll”. As the panellists acknowledged, some of these methods are relatively crude, with fake social media bots and individuals posting obviously fake stories or claims about their target, but the US-election meddling claims suggest a far more sophisticated disinformation campaign that may be headed by the Kremlin.

The world of spies and assassination is one that is rife for embellishment and provides a situation where conspiracy theories can run rampant, but with suggestions of interference in foreign elections and the Twitter account of the Russian embassy in the UK posting jokes at Britain’s expense on their feed, this information war is making its way into the mainstream. Journalists and citizens who are careless with their sources can perpetuate these lies, and when enough people believe them they can quickly become truths. Whether it’s a sophisticated propaganda machine orchestrated by the Kremlin, the White House, Downing Street, or a single troll on a computer in their living room, the information age has made deception ever simpler, and it would appear we are teetering on the edge of the abyss of post-truth. It has never been more important to check your sources, question what you are told, and verify information before passing it on. The technological advances of the internet and the instantaneousness of knowledge from around the world has been misused not just by unscrupulous individuals in their basements, but increasingly by the leaders of the world. And this has led us to the brink of the disinformation age.

A big thank you to Guardian Live for chairing an enlightening discussion at their recent event, and to the panellists who gave some unique insight into what the case means for Russia, the West, journalists, and all of us.


To learn more about the phenomenon of Russian bots you can read this




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